Preliminary Reference Procedure Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Preliminary Reference Procedure - Essay Example The phrase you put for query, ‘Preliminary Reference Procedure’ is, according to Bromberg and Fenger (2010) a provisional terminology of the European Union law under the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) that indicates the provision the national court or tribune to refer a question of the EU law to the ECJ for preliminary ruling so as to enable the national court to decide the case before it on receiving that ruling. From this angle, you can consider that the functioning of the preliminary reference procedures ensures the uniformity of interpretation and validity of the EU law across all the member states in the union. In an over view, (Harris & Horspool, 2010, pp. 3-5) the preliminary reference procedure is constituted as per the guidance of Article 267 TFEU that says that if a question is raised before any court or tribunal of a Member State, and if the court considers that the decision on the question is necessary to enable it to give judgement, that court may require the Court of Justice to give a ruling of the case thereon. Simply speaking, you can consider this as the tool of the state courts at times of critical decision makings on special issues with the consolidation of the ECJ. You need to further focus on the fact that the ECJ relies on its co-operation with national courts in taking decision on the appeal of national courts. In most cases related to such conditions, the CEJ leads the role in the decision making and the national courts go in submission to ECJ in the process of co-operation and therefore, are normally guided by the EU judiciary. The preliminary reference procedure guarantees the dominance of the ECJ as it gets the legal assistance of the EU laws system and therefore the cases handled by the ECJ sometimes provide controversial options of discretionary power to the national courts, particularly in situations related to arbitrations on employment and industrial relation disputes. For instance, if you take t he disputes on issues like indirect discrimination, the EC is supportive to the benefit of employers but at the same time, this issue is sent to the national court for the review of the general principle of proportionality of the case on objective grounds. Reports and statistics may be of the effect of fading the effectiveness of the upper court’s judiciary system to decide on certain identical issues of national important, which are usually pertaining to industrial disputes; however, the system of Preliminary Reference Procedure is presently the most popular channel that connects national courts with the ECJ. For further clarity, I would like you to refer Article 254TFEU; it explains to you the validity of equality of decision making between the two courts in its original phase of inception of the law. The procedure functioned in a vicious circle that channelled the move of a question from the discretionary powers of the national court; from there, the ECJ takes into conside ration, the legality of the case under the provisions of the EU law relevant to the issue and guides the national court to take the decisions accordingly. The prominence of the law-making process based on the preliminary reference procedure has been emerged as a result of the upper hand of the ECJ on the national courts whereby each decree of the ECJ becomes the decision unanimously approved and followed by other national courts in the Union (Role of National Courts inEuropean Law 8, Dec, 2006). You can thus observe that the new tendency among the national courts paved the way for the development of EU judicial system by placing the ECJ as the Apex Court. Also, this new move

Same sex marriage Essay Example for Free

Same sex marriage Essay By making marriage the apex of intimate relationships and the primary site for interpersonal rights and responsibilities. Marriage is not â€Å"just† anintimate relationship or sacred institution but a nexus of the personaland the instrumental, the emotional and the legal. It can be whimsy andromance, but it can also be strategy and financial respite.Until your lifepartner lies dying in the hospital and you are barred from the room, oryou lose your job for taking time off to care for (and possibly grieve for)her, it may not be so immediately and painfully apparent how instrumentalmarriage rights are. It is striking, in fact, how quickly â€Å"rights†come to the forefront of the discourse for everyone, when the matterfor discussion is not simply (presumably heterosexual) â€Å"marriage† butis instead qualified as â€Å"same-sex marriage.† Put these phrases into everyday conversation and ones sees the point of departure: in a conversationamong heterosexuals, the word â€Å"marriage† is most likely broughtup when someone is talking about a â€Å"happy marriage† or a â€Å"bad marriage†Ã¢â‚¬â€an upcoming wedding or, perhaps, a marriage falling apart. Itis notably personal and relational. Add â€Å"same-sex† to the word â€Å"marriage†instead, and a political debate is invoked. It is no longer simplya personal relationship but a civil right, a â€Å"wedge issue,† or a subject oflitigation. The articulation of marriage as a right—and specifically one denied to gays and lesbians as a class—is not itself without controversy. Is the Philippines ready to frame thepursuit of marriage equality as a pursuit of â€Å"special rights† for gays and lesbians? 1.1 Statement of the problem 1. What are the factors that trigger same-sex marriage? 2. How many percent of the population are against or in favor in same-sex marriage? 3. How same-sex marriage affects society? 4. What would be the effect of same-sex marriage to Philippine society? 1.2 Significance of the study Thisstudy will help to prevent the idea of allowing two persons of the same gender to enter marriage. This prevents the trigger of dismemberment of each family. It will help the youths for not planning to enter same-sex marriage. It also helps them to recognize that same-sex marriage is showing immorality.

La notion de pouvoir

La notion de pouvoir Anthropologie politique :La notion de pouvoir Janvier 2010 Lanthropologie politique est une discipline rà ©cente qui sest dà ©veloppà ©e rà ©ellement à   partir des annà ©es 1920, mais qui tire son essence des prà ©occupations de la philosophie politique du XVIIIà ¨me sià ¨cle. En effet, cette discipline dont le projet est de fonder une science du politique, analyse la rà ©partition et lorganisation du pouvoir et des phà ©nomà ¨nes politiques qui permettent de dà ©gager une perspective commune au delà   de la diversità © culturelle. Plusieurs philosophes sont à   lorigine des prà ©occupations fondamentales de lanalyse et de la comprà ©hension des phà ©nomà ¨nes de pouvoirs politiques. Ainsi, Montesquieu, La Boà ©tie, Rousseau ou encore F. Engels et K. Marx se sont penchà ©s sur les rapports que les dominants avait à   là ©gard des dominà ©s. Cette relation de domination apparaà ®t comme un phà ©nomà ¨ne inhà ©rent au pouvoir politique institutionnel. Cependant, avec les premiers anthropologues, cest une nouvelle forme de pouvoir politique qui est valorisà ©e. Par exemple, ces à ©tudes rà ©và ¨lent lexistence de rapport de pouvoir en dehors des relations institutionnalisà ©es, inhà ©rent à   linconscient des collectività ©s, comme le sacrà © et les relations dà ©change de don, qui participent au pouvoir politique. La notion du pouvoir est lun des sujets de prà ©dilection de lanthropologie politique. LAnthropologie politique est, à   cet à ©gard, là ©tude de lorganisation et des structures politiques (au sens aristotà ©licien) au travers de leur diversità ©. Il sagit dà ¨s lors de distinguer les mà ©canismes du pouvoir ainsi que son exercice, lorganisation symbolique, consciente ou inconsciente. Doà ¹ le problà ¨me : comment en Anthropologie politique, selon les diffà ©rentes enquà ªtes ethnographiques, le pouvoir peut-il se manifester en dehors du cadre institutionnel? Cest pourquoi il est important de revenir sur les formes de pouvoirs en politique, pour comprendre par la suite lapproche minimaliste puis maximaliste. I- Les diffà ©rentes formes du pouvoir, une rà ©flexion qui cristallise lintà ©rà ªt des anthropologues politistes Tout dabord, il est important de distinguer les diffà ©rentes composantes qui organisent le pouvoir : centralisation, concentration des pouvoirs, recrutement de gouvernants, le cadre du contrat social instruit par la loi et les sanctions lors des dà ©rives individuelles. Centralisation ou dà ©centralisation de lautorità © qui peut à ªtre dà ©composà ©e en diffà ©rents segments (lignage, villages). Chez les Lobi par exemple, il ny a pas de pouvoir central, mais chaque village constitue une entità © centralisà ©e. Cette autorità © peut mà ªme sà ©tendre au-delà   du cadre territorial dans le cadre dethnies dispersà ©es comme par exemple chez les LAlemany du Fouta Djalon qui possà ¨de une autorità © morale sur tous les Peuls. Montesquieu relevait dans lEsprit des Lois, la concentration ou dispersion du pouvoir. En effet, cette notion de sà ©paration ou non des trois pouvoirs lexà ©cutif, du là ©gislatif, du judiciaire – engendre une typologie de rà ©gime. Ainsi, plus les pouvoirs sont concentrà ©s, plus le rà ©gime est tyrannique. Ainsi, dans les socià ©tà ©s traditionnelles le chef dispose à   la fois du pouvoir exà ©cutif et juridiciaire. Chez les Nuer, cest  « lhomme à   peau de Là ©opard  » qui est chargà © de rà ©soudre les conflits. La domination du pouvoir peut à ªtre là ©gitimà ©e par la transmission du pouvoir hà ©rà ©ditaire, à ©lection, dà ©volution, dà ©signation. L. de Heusch explique dans son ouvrage Du pouvoir. Anthropologie politique des socià ©tà ©s dAfrique centrale, que dans la zone tetela-hamba au Congo, socià ©tà © à   lignages patrilinà ©aires, pour devenir chef de lignage les aspirants doivent faire valoir le bien-fondà © de leurs prà ©tentions, en pratiquant des dilapidations festives et des distributions de cadeaux que lauteur nhà ©site pas à   mettre dans la mà ªme catà ©gorie que le potlatch. Les lois qui rà ©gissent nimporte quel systà ¨me politique ont pour fonction dassurer la stabilità © de la socià ©tà © en question. Par contre, elle peut aussi crà ©er des fossà ©s entre les diffà ©rentes couches de ladite socià ©tà ©, rà ©sultant en un sentiment de coercition, de contrainte. Donc le pouvoir contient un paradoxe bien à ©vident car  « il apparaà ®t, à   la fois, comme nà ©cessità © et comme danger  »; cest cette ambigà ¼ità © concernant la notion de pouvoir que G. Balandier appelle une dissymà ©trie dans les rapports sociaux. Autrement dit, là ©lite au pouvoir se reproduit dans les hautes classes. Chaque systà ¨me politique, dans la mesure oà ¹ il est là ©gitime et que la loi est connue de tous, comporte un certain nombre de contraintes afin de prà ©server un à ©quilibre en place ; il peut sagir de violence là ©gitime au sein de lEtat, de violence corporelle ou morale dans les socià ©tà ©s traditionnelles. II- Là ©mergence de lEtat ou linstitutionnalisation du pouvoir Lapproche minimaliste considà ¨re quune gestion primitive dune socià ©tà © ne serait pas une forme de gouvernement. Il existe trois crità ¨res selon les politologues qui caractà ©risent un Etat et permettent de dà ©limiter le champs politique : un territoire dà ©limità © par des frontià ¨re reconnues, le consentement des populations qui y vivent et enfin lexistence de structures organiques fondant lunità © politique. Il apparaà ®t à ©vident que le flou sà ©mantique quant aux crità ¨res caractà ©risant un Etat, prà ©sente ses limites pour les anthropologues. Ainsi, pour Balandier il est possible de confondre lEtat avec un groupe local (chefferie). Pour finir, selon M. Weber lEtat est le seul instrument de domination, qui dispose dun appareil coercitif pour orienter toute action sociale, et est lià © aux socià ©tà ©s modernes et à   la rationalisation. LEtat dispose du monopole là ©gitime de la violence. En revanche, P. Clastres qui a à ©tudià © à   partir des socià ©tà ©s amà ©rindiennes les groupes qui contrà ´lent le pouvoir soppose à   cette conception rà ©ductrice du pouvoir. Dans toutes les socià ©tà ©s, il y a du politique ; cet exercice du politique nest pas automatiquement lià © à   lexercice de la violence là ©gitime et à   la coercition. III- Lexistence dun pouvoir comme un  « fait social total  » Le pouvoir politique nest pas nà ©cessairement institutionnalisà ©. Il peut sexprimer à   travers dautres formes inhà ©rentes à   linconscient collectif.  « Il ny a pas de socià ©tà © sans gouvernement  », cest par cette phrase prononcà ©e par L. de Bonald que lon peut rà ©sumer la pensà ©e des maximalistes. Autrement dit, toutes les structures participant à   la direction dune socià ©tà © concourent au politique. A cet à ©gard, il semble important dapprà ©hender les phà ©nomà ¨nes de la Kula et du Potlatch comme expression du politique puis de comprendre limbrication du sacrà © dans le cadre du pouvoir politique pour illustrer nos propos. Dune part, le phà ©nomà ¨ne dà ©changes de biens prà ©cieux, lors du Potlatch et de la Kula, rà ©và ©là © par F. Boas et B. Malinowski mettent en à ©vidence limbrication à ©conomique et politique dans les socià ©tà ©s du nord au sud : les Tlingit, les Tsimshian, les Haida, les Bella Cola, les Kwakiutl, les Nootka, les Salish – dans un fait social total selon M. Mauss. Cette pratique ritualisà ©e et cà ©rà ©monielle de don, ne vise pas à   donner pour donner mais à   donner pour dominer et/ou recevoir en retour. Ce nest donc pas un don de gà ©nà ©rosità ©, mais un don de rà ©ciprocità ©, qui en outre comporte souvent un aspect de dà ©fi. Il enclenche ou perpà ©tue la dialectique du don et du contre-don. Le potlatch et la kula ne jouent pas sur des biens de subsistance mais sur les biens prà ©cieux. Ils constituent des stratà ©gies sociales, plus ou moins paroxystiques, qui visent à   fabriquer du prestige, et donc de la diffà ©renciation sociale. Dautre part, grà ¢ce sa capacità © à   transcender lHomme, et donc lautorità © du chef et de lEtat, le sacrà © a inà ©vitablement entretenu des tantà ´ts conflictuels des tantà ´ts pacifistes au pouvoir politique. Ainsi, Frazer sest intà ©ressà © au pouvoir de la royautà © sacrà ©e dans le rameau dor. Dans les socià ©tà ©s à   pouvoir centralisà © et quand le sacrà © est la source du pouvoir du roi, on assiste à   toutes une sà ©rie de rituels pour lintronisation dun nouveau roi pour marquer son pouvoir et rà ©organiser le politique. Ainsi, chez les Nkumu, les dà ©tenteurs du pouvoir sont investi du pouvoir sacrà ©, lekopo. De plus, Selon Aronoff ,  « Le religieux et le politique sont des domaines lià ©s depuis le dà ©but de lhumanità © de ses cultures et de ses civilisations  ». Dans les socià ©tà ©s acà ©phales il nexiste pas de frontià ¨res nettes entre les sphà ¨res politiques, à ©conomique, religieuse, parentà ©. Il sagit, en effet, dun ensemble composant le social. Ainsi, le religieux fait son apparition dans le politique à ©galement dans des socià ©tà ©s à   Etat et/ou Laà ¯que (Irlande oà ¹ le conflit religieux est en corrà ©lation avec lordre politique). Il nest pas inutile de rappeler quun gouvernement peut dà ©river directement du religieux (thà ©ocratie), que le sacrà © peut devenir des outils pour là ©gitimer le pouvoir du souverain ou du groupe dominant. De mà ªme, la religion peut à ©galement fournir des structures sous jacente manipulable par les dà ©tenteurs du pouvoir. Enfin, Evans-Pritchard dà ©veloppe une analyse des relations et des institutions au sein de peuple, en apparence, dà ©pourvu de gouvernement tout en rà ©pondant aux exigences comparatistes et thà ©oriques. Parallà ¨lement il propose une à ©bauche typologique et contribue à   donner un và ©ritable statut scientifique. Par ailleurs E.E. Evans-Pritchard dà ©veloppe son analyse en mettant en relation le politique avec là ©conomique, le culturel et le religieux ; intà ©rà ªt fondamental dans des socià ©tà ©s oà ¹ tout est à ©troitement imbriquà © (dà ©marche fonctionnaliste). En conclusion, lhistoire de lanthropologie tant à   dà ©montrer que la politique est le synonyme et le frà ¨re jumeau du pouvoir. Le pouvoir politique nest pas seulement un contrat social mais il est aussi un rapport de force consistant en un à ©quilibre fragile. Les concepts de là ©gitimità ©, de pouvoir et de coercition restent des notions incontournables en anthropologie politique mais celui de pouvoir a prà ©sà ©ance sur les autres. Peu importe la socià ©tà ©, sa stabilità © est basà ©e sur un à ©quilibre approximatif et le pouvoir doit jouer le rà ´le de stabilisateur pour protà ©ger la socià ©tà © contre ses propres dà ©faillances soit par la force, soit par des ententes tout en restant fidà ¨le à   ses principes vitaux assurant sa survie. Ce domaine nà ©cessaire au politologue permet de dà ©centrer le regard au-delà   des conceptions classiques concernant cette notion. Il est intà ©ressant de finir par lutilisation de la dà ©marche à ©pistà ©mologique, dans les sciences politiques, relative à   des aspirations ethnographiques en citant un article paru dans la Revue Franà §aise de science politique. En effet, lauteur, Olivier IHL revient sur les formes et usages dune technique de vote : lurne à ©lectorale. Ainsi, il dà ©finit la scà ©nographie relative au vote et la mise en scà ¨ne qui sorganise autour de lurne à ©lectorale ainsi que la sacralisation de cet outil cher à   lexercice de la dà ©mocratie. Ce qui nest pas sans rappeler G. Balandier qui dans son ouvrage anthropologie politique revient sur la sacralità © du politique en à ©nonà §ant cette phrase :  « le rapport du pouvoir à   la socià ©tà © est essentiellement une relation chargà ©e de sacralità ©  »

Death of the General in O’Connor’s A Late Encounter with the Enemy Essa

Death of the General in O’Connor’s A Late Encounter with the Enemy I did an analysis of the paragraph where the General passes away (page 143 in my edition of The Complete Stories of Flannery O’Connor) The most obvious thing about this paragraph is that is that the General’s death is portrayed as death during battle. The title â€Å"The Late Encounter with the Enemy† is very appropriate because the general views his death as such. The most obvious thing about this paragraph is that it is like a battle. Words are used as bullets in this paragraph. For example, â€Å"He couldn’t protect himself from the words and attend to the procession too and the words were coming at him fast.†(143) makes it really seem like a battle. Since he was a general, it would be appropriate that his death be viewed as a battle. The grim reaper like figure in the black robe immediately identifies the presence of death. It seems pretty clear that death is his enemy in this case. This example indicates that; â€Å"Then he saw the figure in the black robe sit down and there was a noise and the black pool in the front ...

The Virgin Group

Sam Yates-Smith Student ID: 000292201 CASE STUDY 6 THE VIRGIN GROUP 1. The corporate rationale of the Virgin group is to re-ignite static industries, with fresh ideas and developments, thus offering the consumer differentiation. Diversification is an extremely important attribute of Virgins rationale. Their SBU’s improve Virgin’s scope and therefore its existing markets and products. Virgin uses the ideology of ‘the corporate parent’ to add structure and guidance to its various business units, which in turn adds value due to the effective, disciplined approach that the rationale provides. . There are certain strategic relationships between businesses within the Virgin portfolio, these lie in ‘economies of scope’. This term refers to the notion that the Virgin groups have synergy amongst its SBU’s, therefore utilizing free standing tangible and intangible resources in order to fully comprehend and fulfill a particular new environment or m arket. This adds value to a new market whilst ensuring resources are not wasted. An example within Virgin would be their research into the global oil market and the search for greener fuels for its airlines. 3. Virgin as a corporate parent adds value to its group via the collective ambition and ideology which is ascertained via the strength of the Virgin brand. One aspect of Virgins Corporate parenting is the ideology of ‘envisioning’. Virgin provides ‘strategic intent’ by laying certain ideologies for its SBU’s to follow. This provides discipline and strong methodologies for the units to adhere too. Another element of ‘value adding’ via Virgins parenthood can be explained using the BCG matrix. The Virgin group’s portfolio shows high market share and strong growth within their markets. These positive denotations enable management to visualize the potential of concurrent markets and ensure growth is fully realized. 4. ‘’The greatest threat that the Virgin brand may become associated with failure’’ (Johnson et al, 2009). This signifies one of the issues facing the Virgin group. The larger the Virgin portfolio gets, the more issues they will face regarding the density of their diversification and therefore ensuring consumers are not undermined and loyalty is retained. Another issue is that of waning portfolio and growth which is susceptible to ‘slowing down’. Recognition of ‘Stars’ (BCG) turning into ‘Dogs’ is extremely important to ensure the correct visualization is atoned for and that growth is relative to the portfolio’s strength as a whole and not allowed to become complacent, leading to surplus resources and market share. 1

Theyre Out essays

They're Out essays Have you ever experienced a moment when destiny seemed to be shining up on you? You might have been having an ordinary night out with friends where everything just seemed to click. The food was great. The company was incredible. You had this feeling in the pit of your stomach that this must be it. Maybe you even questioned if it was too good to be true. Then the next weekend, the same group of friends gets together, goes to the same places, does the same activities, but somehow the night falls flat. No matter how hard you try to regain the original excitement you just arent able to accomplish it. I think everyone can relate. Each of us has had moments in our lives where at a particular moment in time, we felt it couldnt get any better, or the moment could not become any more real. For Clifford Geertz, in his essay entitled, Deep Play; Notes on a Balinese Cockfight, there are some defining moments during his time studying Bali that I think he would say he felt he had exper ienced an authentic moment. I would go so far as to say that Walker Percy, in his essay The Loss of the Creature, would agree. But this isnt how Geertzs experience begins. Geertz begins his essay by describing the almost woeful emotions of being the outsider in Bali. The Balinese (if we are to believe Geertz) are a people that treat outsiders or foreigners as if they dont really exist. In fact, Geertz begins the first paragraph of his essay by stating that he and his wife were seen as intruders. He continues, telling us that they were nonpersons, specters, invisible. I got the mental image of trying to have a conversation with someone and all the while the individual looks right past you. It is from Geertzs own admission that I would contend that what Percy would call having an authentic it experience, is something that Geertz lacks, at ...

Millenium Dome,UK

Millenium Dome,UK Introduction:The UK government established the Millennium Experience Company (MEC) in 1996 to build and run the Millennium Dome. The Millennium Experience is a limited company governed by the companies' acts and wholly owned by the government.The dome was built on the Greenwich site, which was proclaimed as home of time to celebrate the new Millennium. It was also intended to go back into the history books alongside the great exhibition of 1851 which heralded the industrialization of Britain, and the festival of British of 1951, which captured the mood of national revival after the Second World War .The Dome is the largest structure of its kind in the world, over one kilometre in circumference, 50 meter high at the centre and covering over 20 acres of ground space. Though it was designed as a one year temporary structure, its life span could be extended to around 20 years by maintaining and replacing roof panels.The Millennium Dome at night, Sept 2000The Millennium Experience Company roped in ‚Â £750 million from national lottery money, private companies and other sponsorships.The dome was built to hold the millennium exhibition till the end of Dec 2000 and then to be sold to a private investor.The current Problem:Since the Millennium Dome was closed for visitors from 31st Dec, 2000, the Millennium Experience Company has been facing financial crisis in running the empty Dome. This is due to the reason that the MEC did not manage to find an appropriate buyer the end of year 2000 as it had planned.The MEC has been constantly under criticism form the opposition party and the general public for its mismanagement. The company has been spending huge amounts of taxpayer's funds into the maintenance of the Dome. The maintenance cost for the dome have significantly increased over a period of...